According to released information, ROKETSAN’s air-launched missile family is being developed in several models with different ranges, intended for use from combat drones and jet fighters.
The air defense of the Yemeni armed forces succeeded in downing an F-15 fighter jet in the skies over Marib province.
Yemeni armed forces announced in a statement that, in response to the continuation of the Saudi regime’s aggression against Yemeni soil, they carried out a military operation against the Sharorah military base north of the Al-Wadiah crossing.
In continuation of the advances by the Yemeni army and popular committees in the country’s southwest, Mayun Island has come under the control of the Yemeni army. With this, full control over the strategic Bab al-Mandab waterway has fallen into the hands of the Sana’a-based government.
Saudi Arabia’s Ministry of Energy announced in a statement today that, following numerous attacks on East-West pipeline stations in the Riyadh and Medina regions on the morning of Thursday, September 10, the East-West pipeline has been shut down as a precautionary measure. The statement also noted that several people were injured as a result of these attacks.
Since the onset of the Yemen war, a total of 131 aircraft of various types have been downed in the country. Of these, 71 belong to Saudi Arabia, 23 to the UAE, 34 to the United States, one to Morocco, one to Bahrain, and one to Jordan.
Yemen’s air defense, during these strikes, shot down a Wing Loong drone over Al-Bayda Governorate and a CH-4 drone over Al-Jawf Governorate.
Iranian military forces launched a large-scale retaliation on the morning of August 31, the evening of September 1, and the early morning of September 2, in response to U.S. airstrikes on southern and central Iran. The operation involved waves of precision ballistic missiles and scores of loitering munitions targeting American assets across multiple countries, including the U.S. Fifth Fleet and Sheikh Isa Air Base in Bahrain, Muwaffaq Salti and Prince Hassan Air Bases and Camp Titin in Jordan, Ali Al-Salem and Ahmad Al-Jaber in Kuwait, Al-Dhafra and Al-Minhad in the UAE, and Al-Harir and Erbil in Iraq.
According to IWN assessments, the armed forces of Iran, Iraqi resistance groups, and Lebanon’s Hezbollah have destroyed or damaged over 241 aircraft and cruise missiles belonging to the United States, the Zionist regime, European, and Arab countries since the beginning of the war.
Recent developments in West Asia signal a transition from traditional confrontations to multi-layered rivalries unfolding across strategic energy chokepoints, where straits such as Hormuz and Bab al-Mandab have become focal arenas for the projection of power and pressure. Within this framework, the scenario of a U.S.-led naval blockade of Iran—employed as a tool for maximum pressure—alongside the possibility of a return to direct conflict between the two sides, has reinforced the prospect of escalating tensions. At the same time, Europe’s growing skepticism toward Washington’s unilateral approaches has cast uncertainty over the future of NATO cohesion. On another level, the involvement of Tehran-aligned actors such as the Houthis (Ansarallah) in Bab al-Mandab has highlighted the potential for expanding the maritime theater of competition and enabling Iran to leverage this asset indirectly. Taken together, these developments indicate that regional maritime security is increasingly becoming the primary arena for redefining the balance of power. Accordingly, this study aims to assess the feasibility, consequences, and sustainability of these scenarios, while elucidating their impact on the regional balance of power and the international security order.
The Ramadan War demonstrated that artificial intelligence and systems like “Maven” have been moved to the center of U.S. military operations, aggregating field data to dramatically accelerate targeting and decision-making. At the same time, Silicon Valley’s role in modern warfare has become more prominent, with parts of the military’s intelligence and operational infrastructure being outsourced to technology companies. This transformation, alongside increased efficiency, has raised questions about targeting accuracy, civilian casualties, and the dependence of national security on private-sector actors.
By simultaneously leveraging energy tools, transit corridors, and its influence in post-Assad Syria, Turkey seeks to transform Iraq into a component of its own geoeconomic architecture while reducing Iranian influence in Northwest Asia. The “Development Road” project, the redesign of energy cooperation with Baghdad, and efforts to position itself as a regional energy and trade hub constitute the main pillars of this strategy. The success of this policy could strengthen Turkey’s standing in European and West Asian energy equations; however, persistent political, security, and legal disputes among Baghdad, Erbil, and Ankara remain the most significant obstacles to the full realization of these objectives.
