In recent days, U.S. military drones have carried out three targeted assassination operations against members of Al-Qaeda and possibly Islamic State (ISIS) in the provinces of Marib and Al-Mahrah, located in central and eastern Yemen.
The United States has advanced its drone strategy in West Asia by deploying the first operational unit equipped with affordable kamikaze drones, which are reverse-engineered from the Iranian Shahed-136. The creation of the “Scorpion Strike” task force, integrated into the “US Military Drone Dominance Plan,” signifies a shift in the air power balance and marks the beginning of an era focused on the mass production of inexpensive, quickly manufactured, and large-scale operational drones. This development poses several strategic challenges that we will explore below.
Following recent political and field developments in Syria, the US presence in the northeast has entered a new phase. Although reports since early 2025 indicate a reduction in forces and the evacuation of some bases in Deir Ezzor, field evidence and satellite images suggest this is not a complete withdrawal. Instead, it appears to be a shift and concentration of presence toward the eastern-northeastern corridor of Syria. This change coincides with decreased activity at Deir Ezzor bases and increased infrastructure development at several eastern bases, notably “Qasrak” and “Shaddadi”. The simultaneous trends—waning presence in the west and expansion in the east—raise a key question: What is the true US strategy in Syria? Is it a gradual withdrawal or a reconfiguration for a new phase?
The U.S. Central Command (CENTCOM), alongside the Eskan and Prince Sultan air bases near Riyadh, operates another facility at the port of Yanbu in western Saudi Arabia, known as L.S.A. Jenkins.
Qais al-Muhammadi, deputy commander of Iraq’s Joint Operations Command announced that the Ain al-Asad base will be fully handed over to Iraqi security forces next week, following the withdrawal of coalition troops. He stressed that the agreement ending the coalition’s mission was finalized three months ago, and that no coalition personnel are currently present within Iraq’s Joint Operations Command.
Zalmay Khalilzad, former U.S. envoy for Afghan peace, has arrived in Kabul on a new visit and met with Amir Khan Muttaqi, the Taliban’s foreign minister.
The Ansar Allah movement announced the martyrdom of Maj. Gen. Zakaria Hajar, a commander in Yemen’s Armed Forces missile unit, along with several of his companions in recent U.S. airstrikes on Yemen.
Early this morning, a U.S. Army transport plane landed at the Kharab al-Jir base, located on the outskirts of Rmeilan in northern Hasakah province. The aircraft carried air defense systems, heavy weaponry, and logistical equipment, as part of the ongoing effort to reinforce American military bases in areas controlled by the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF).
Abu Ali al‑Askari, security chief of Kataib Hezbollah in Iraq, issued a harsh statement warning Iraqi politicians and public figures against any contact with Mark Savaya, Trump’s envoy to Iraq. He declared that anyone engaging with Savaya would be considered a traitor to Iraq.
During the recent days, Lt. Gen. Sihad Barzani, Commander of the Peshmerga 1st Support Forces Command, met with Colonel Stephanie Bagley, the US Senior Defense Official, and Colonel Fitzgerald, the Acting Commander of the Coalition Forces in the Kurdistan Region. Reports indicate that American and Kurdish commanders discussed the possible deployment of the 101st Division, 82nd Division, and the 75th Airborne Regiment of the U.S. Army in northern Iraq.
A British combat drone and a U.S. spy plane were spotted on unusual flights over Syria, in another sign of the emerging partnership between the country’s Islamist-led Interim Government and the United States-led coalition.
During yesterday’s attack on a joint U.S.–Syrian military convoy near Palmyra, two American soldiers and one American interpreter were killed, while several others—including Syrian personnel—were wounded.
